By N. D. B. Connolly
A international extra Concrete argues that black and white landlords, marketers, or even liberal neighborhood leaders used tenements and repeated land dispossession to exploit the negative and generate amazing wealth. via a political tradition outfitted on genuine property, South Florida’s landlords and householders complicated estate rights and white estate rights, specially, on the fee of extra inclusive visions of equality. For black humans and lots of in their white allies, makes use of of eminent area helped to harden category and colour lines. but, for lots of reformers, confiscating convinced different types of genuine property via eminent area additionally promised to assist enhance housing stipulations, to undermine the local impression of robust slumlords, and to open new possibilities for suburban existence for black Floridians.
involved extra with winners and losers than with heroes and villains, A global extra Concrete offers a sober evaluation of cash and tool in Jim Crow America. It exhibits how negotiations among strong actual property pursuits on either side of the colour line gave racial segregation a amazing potential to adapt, revealing homeowners’ energy to reshape American towns in ways in which can nonetheless be obvious and felt today.
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Extra resources for A World More Concrete: Real Estate and the Remaking of Jim Crow South Florida (Historical Studies of Urban America)
Mostly black work crews planted thousands of im- The Magic City / 25 ported palm trees (which were not native to Florida). They also paved many of the city’s otherwise dirt streets with crumpled white limestone. Summer sun shot between Miami’s palms and onto streets the color of baby power. 27 By 1920, after twenty years of population growth, over half of Miami’s black population could still claim Caribbean birth or parentage. 28 As one Miamian described as recently as the late 1990s, “Black Miamians are Caribbean peoples in the first place .
93 Then, of course, there were the international dimensions of white profiteering, through which big planters and powerful white property owners continued to exercise great influence over national and local governments throughout the hemisphere. If nothing else, Miami’s black Caribbean migrants, especially Bahamians, knew these forms of white supremacy all too well. At the beginning of what would become the age of US multinational corporations, American capitalists could count on what President Theodore Roosevelt called “international police power” to further their economic influence over Caribbean governments, often through actual or threatened military action.
And from the 1830s to World War I, East and South Asians reached every British possession between British Guiana and Jamaica. 30 Between the 1880s and the 1940s, Miami’s chief source of black inmigration was from the Bahamas. For many Bahamian migrants, the stilldeveloping labor arrangements in early Miami seemed preferable to the ways in which white islanders and immigrant landowners exploited black workers under British colonialism. Few migrants arrived with the notion that Miami was some kind of racial utopia.